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This
December marks the 30th anniversary of the passage of
one of Michigan's most important habitat protection
laws, the Inland Lakes and Streams Act. The story of
its passage is an example of how citizen organizing
can overcome special interest group resistance.
Early
in 1971, Grand Rapids area conservationist and outdoorsman
Willard Wolfe asked the state Department of Natural
Resources (DNR) to do something about destructive damming,
dredging and filling of lakes and streams. Many developers
were impounding public waters and choking off river
systems. DNR officials replied they lacked legal authority
to stop this destruction.
Organized
by Will Wolfe, a statewide committee of conservationists
and environmentalists, a DNR staff member and an outdoor
writer took six months to draft a bill to give the state
control over construction activities affecting lakes
and streams. It contained only one serious loophole:
it exempted projects undertaken by elected county drain
commissioners, who were empowered by laws originating
in the 19th Century to hasten the flow of water away
from farmlands. The bill's sponsor, Rep. Warren Goemaere,
said regulating drain projects would destroy its chances
because of the overwhelmingly strong drain commissioner
and agriculture lobbies.
The
committee then turned the work of leading and coordinating
passage of the bill to the West Michigan Environmental
Action Council (WMEAC) and its legislative chair, Joan
Wolfe, the spouse of Willard Wolfe and a co-founder
of WMEAC.
In
addition to the groups behind the original committee,
the bill soon had the active involvement of organizations
and individuals all over the state.
In
the summer of 1971, Fred Steketee, a WMEAC member and
student at the Wharton School of Business, spent his
summer vacation producing a report supporting state
action to protect inland lakes and streams. The report
noted approximately 50% of state waters were open "to
abusive and destructive practices such as impounding,
filling, channeling, dredging and diversion
The
continued ruination of our small waterways is rapidly
bringing about the ruination of our lakes and rivers."
WMEAC
published the document, got it signed by diverse supporting
organizations and delivered it to all members of the
Michigan House of Representatives. A concurrent press
release increased public attention and put additional
pressure on legislators. Minor changes to the bill brought
the Michigan Farm Bureau into support, but Consumers
Power Company, one of the state's two large electric
utilities, and Dow Chemical Company said they were concerned.
Consumers Power owned thousands of acres of land on
streams, and Dow hoped to build impoundments to store
"excess" water for cooling purposes. Both
suggested changes to the bill.
The
bill seemed to be moving along well until it reached
the House floor, and weakening amendments prepared by
Consumers Power and Dow Chemical suddenly appeared.
Senator Basil Brown, an African-American legislator
crucial in debates on several of the environmental bills
of the era, told Joan Wolfe the amendments were crippling.
Peter Steketee, WMEAC's volunteer attorney, agreed.
Rushing
back to Grand Rapids, Joan Wolfe found her husband home
for lunch and asked him to call members of the coalition
supporting the bill to urge them to contact their legislators
immediately. He delayed appointments with his dental
patients to make the calls. By the time Joan returned
to Lansing, she said, "legislators were acting
stunned" by the number of calls they had suddenly
received. The bill passed without the amendments.
A
few days before Christmas 1972, the Legislature headed
toward final adjournment. If the Senate failed to pass
the bill before the year's end, HB 4948 would die, and
work for passage would have to start all over again.
But the Senate committee lacked a critical vote: Sen.
Oscar Bouwsma of Muskegon was out of town and claimed
he couldn't attend the committee meeting. Governor William
Milliken stepped in, telling Bouwsma that he would fly
him to Lansing and back. Bouwsma showed up, reluctantly
voted for the bill, and the committee was ready to send
it to the Senate floor.
But
Joan Wolfe discovered a two-word, harmful change in
the typed-up bill to be copied for distribution in the
Senate-a change that Rockwell's secretary said was just
a typographical error. She successfully persuaded Sen.
Gordon Rockwell to correct it. Finally, the night before
the Senate adjourned for the year, she roamed the Capitol
halls awaiting the vote. Visiting a Grand Rapids area
senator, Wolfe was handed an amendment that Rockwell
had distributed. It would have limited the Act's authority
to two connecting channels, the Detroit and St. Mary's
Rivers.
"I
rushed out of the senator's office and headed for Senator
Rockwell's," Wolfe wrote. Joined by DNR's Charles
Guenther, who had come to help, she invaded Rockwell's
lair. At first the senator was unyielding, but Wolfe
said, "I think my only persuasive argument was
that we would make sure that every one of his constituents
in Flint would know what he had done. I said it over
and over, and he knew we meant it-and thanks to blessed
Charlie, I had a witness. [After] what seemed like an
unbelievable period of shouting by us, at last he backed
down." He kept his word this time; he withdrew
the amendment, and the bill passed without amendments.
Said
Wolfe: "Rockwell had made his best effort for whoever
had gotten to him, but in the end, the power of the
environmental movement had overwhelmed him." The
bill passed the House the next day and became Public
Act 346 of 1972. Calling the new law "a major victory,"
outdoor writer Frank Mainville of the Lansing State
Journal said the environmental coalition "taught
the Senate a lesson in eco-politics." The Senate
Republican leader, Robert VanderLaan, said the "intense
pressure" brought by Joan Wolfe was decisive in
winning passage of the bill. "I think we are in
a new era of natural resource concern," VanderLaan
said.
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